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Political optimism can steal your life

Thu, Jan 22 2026 1:59 PM
in Ghana General News
political optimism can steal your life
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Kwame Sowu Jnr., the writer

Political optimism can be one of the most efficient thieves of time, talent, and productive energy in developing democracies.

It often presents itself as patriotism, loyalty, and sacrifice, yet in practice it steadily drains the very people who can least afford to lose a decade or two of their lives.

Across Ghana’s political landscape, thousands of capable young people suspend their economic futures in anticipation of political victory. They attach themselves to parties, candidates, and movements with the quiet expectation that loyalty today will translate into opportunity tomorrow. The promise is rarely written or openly declared, but it is widely understood: stand by us, defend us, suffer with us, and when power comes, your turn will arrive.

Unfortunately, politics does not reward effort proportionately. It rewards proximity to power.

A young graduate may spend eight years following a politician in opposition, organizing meetings, mobilizing supporters, defending questionable decisions, and enduring insults from rivals. When power finally arrives, reality intervenes. Appointments are few. Business opportunities are tightly controlled. Access narrows sharply.

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The so-called “big men” quickly forget the long list of loyal foot soldiers and remember only themselves, their families, and their inner circles. The supporter is placed on the bench, pacified with promises to “wait small.”

Eight years later, power shifts again.

Sixteen years are gone.

If one studies Ghana’s democratic and governance history since independence, this outcome should not surprise anyone. The same individuals are recycled through ministerial positions across decades, regimes, and parties. Every party does it. It is not unique to the NPP, nor is it exclusive to the NDC. It is a systemic feature of how power operates.

J. H. Mensah, for instance, served as a minister under the Busia government in the late 1960s and returned decades later as a senior minister under President Kufuor in the 2000s. This recycling of political elites has repeated itself many times since independence and continues today. Under successive governments, familiar faces reappear while younger, capable, and often more technically prepared individuals remain permanently outside the room.

The implication is uncomfortable but clear. The pipeline for new entrants is narrow by design. Political loyalty does not guarantee political mobility. Waiting faithfully does not mean space will eventually open. The system is structured to rotate trusted insiders, not to renew leadership at scale. For the young supporter who places life on hold in anticipation, the odds are structurally stacked against him.

This is not merely an individual miscalculation; it is a structural failure. Politics concentrates rewards upward. It does not scale opportunity in line with sacrifice. The majority who invest their most productive years receive neither compensation nor transferable skills. Political activism, by itself, does not build capital, expertise, or independence. Chanting slogans does not compound interest. Attendance at rallies does not translate into balance sheets.

The deeper tragedy lies in opportunity cost. In those same sixteen years, that young person could have learned a trade, built a modest enterprise, acquired professional competence, or accumulated assets. A laundry, bakery, welding shop, paving business, transport service, or small manufacturing operation may not sound glamorous, but they generate income, resilience, and autonomy. Over time, they create something far more valuable than political promises: leverage.

Ironically, the individual who builds economic capacity often ends up with more political relevance than the one who pursued politics full-time. Economic independence buys voice, confidence, and bargaining power. Dependency buys silence and obedience.

There is also a psychological cost that receives far less attention. Prolonged political waiting infantilizes capable adults. It replaces initiative with dependence and productivity with proximity-seeking. People stop asking, “What can I build?” and begin asking, “Who do I know?” Over time, ambition is redirected away from problem-solving toward patronage. Creativity dulls. Self-respect erodes.

This is not an argument against politics itself. Politics matters. Civic engagement is necessary. But full-time political hope without an economic foundation is a dangerous gamble. For most citizens, politics should be a part-time commitment, not an intellect-draining and productivity-killing enterprise.

Healthy democracies are built by economically independent citizens who engage politically, not by economically stranded loyalists waiting for appointments. The most effective political supporters are often those who do not need politics to survive. They contribute ideas, resources, and influence precisely because they are not desperate for patronage.

The lesson is simple but often ignored. Power is temporary. Administrations come and go. Political actors are recycled. Skills compound. Businesses grow. Assets endure. A life placed on political standby is a life placed at risk.

Political optimism is not evil. But when it replaces work, learning, and enterprise, it quietly steals the most valuable asset a young person owns: time.

And time, once spent, does not return, no matter who wins power.

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